West: Canada should resist Trump’s ‘Iron Dome’ fantasy

Canada should resist Trump’s ‘Iron Dome’ fantasy

Jessica West is a member of Canadian Pugwash Group

Originally published in The Hill Times February 17, 2025

Jessica West
Photograph courtesy of Jessica West

Ballistic missile defence has long been a tantalizing dream—promising security through advanced technology that could intercept threats before they hit. But history has repeatedly shown that these promises amount to an illusion. Days after United States President Donald Trump ordered an “Iron Dome” for America, Canada’s Minister of Defence Bill Blair signalled a willingness to join, telling reporters in Washington, D.C., that Canada would be a “willing partner” in this endeavour. Ottawa should think twice.

Trump’s missile defence rhetoric follows a familiar pattern: lofty promises, questionable technology, and strategic blindness. The idea of an “Iron Dome” for North America might sound appealing—after all, Israel’s system has had success against short-range rockets. But the challenges of strategic missile defence are far more complex than those of regional, short-range defence.

Strategic missile defence is a flashy, but failed, concept. After 60 years and $350-billion, the system can intercept a carefully controlled test target only 57 per cent of the time at best—and it’s helpless against new threats like manoeuverable hypersonic missiles.

Intercepting a missile is difficult. That’s why advocates push boost-phase systems to strike missiles right after launch when they’re slow and trackable. In theory, space is the ideal vantage point for this. But even the best engineers can’t defy the laws of physics. Satellites orbiting close to Earth are in constant motion, so thousands of armed satellites would be needed just to defend against a limited range of threats. Even then, the system could easily be defeated by decoys, hacking, or being overwhelmed. The costs, complexity, and risks of a global system are a nightmare.

The strategic fallout is severe. Trump’s “peace through strength” rhetoric obscures the destabilizing impact of missile defence systems. Deploying space-based interceptors would almost certainly provoke reactions from countries like Russia and China, both of which have long called for a ban on space weapons. These nations would likely respond by ramping up their own missile defence systems, expanding nuclear arsenals, and deploying anti-satellite weapons—fuelling an arms race rather than preventing one. We’ve already seen this dynamic in the growing missile arms race, and Moscow immediately issued threats in response to Trump’s proposals. This would undermine deterrence, fuel instability, and heighten conflict risk.

Canada has wisely resisted missile defence before. In 2005, the government chose not to participate in the U.S. ballistic missile defence program. This position was reaffirmed in the 2017 defence policy, Strong, Secure, Engaged. In 2022, then-defence minister Anita Anand launched a review of continental defence strategy, but no decisions have been made to change Canada’s stance.

This does not mean the country is neglecting its responsibility to defend North America. Canada is investing $38.6-billion over 20 years to modernize NORAD, including enhancing early warning capabilities through over-the-horizon radar and space-based surveillance, as well as upgrading air defence systems. But with Trump’s push for an “Iron Dome” gaining momentum—and Blair signalling Canada’s willingness to participate—Ottawa must consider the long-term costs, and strategic risks of such a commitment.

Canada should tread carefully. Aligning with space-based missile defence would contradict its commitment to responsible behaviour in space while triggering an arms race on Earth and in space. A system that intercepts missiles can also target satellites. This would undermine international efforts to curb the weaponization of space and exacerbate the debris problem in Earth’s orbit—causes Canada has long championed. With a four-year initiative at the United Nations set to begin this year to prevent an arms race in outer space, Canada’s diplomatic leadership is more crucial than ever.

For Canada, the risks of missile defence far outweigh any perceived benefits. Rather than preventing conflict, space-based missile defence would provoke countermeasures, and fuel an arms race. Worse, participating in such a system could make the country a target in a future war.

Canada is committed to increasing defence spending, but there are smarter ways to do so. Ballistic missile defence—especially space-based interceptors—shouldn’t be one of them. The government should prioritize investments that benefit Canadians, such as border measures, early warning capabilities, and Arctic security, while advocating for arms control and diplomatic solutions to reduce missile threats. The fantasy of an impenetrable shield is a costly nightmare.

Jessica West is a senior researcher at Project Ploughshares where she leads the outer space security program, and a senior fellow at the Centre for International Governance Innovation.

 

Littlewood/Lentzos: Strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention

Jez Littlewood is a member of Canadian Pugwash Group

Pubished as the Arms Control Association, December 2024: here

By the end of this month, states-parties will be halfway through their latest attempt to strengthen the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC). This effort was launched in 2022 at the convention’s ninth review conference with the establishment of a working group to “identify, examine and develop specific and effective measures, including possible legally binding measures, and to make recommendations to strengthen and institutionalize the Convention in all its aspects.”

[…]

Substantial progress has been made in some areas, but beneath the surface is a broader conflict about the shape of arms control agreements generally. This raises a question about whether strengthening the BWC needs to follow the traditional model of legally binding multilateral agreements with declarations, inspections, investigations, and an international organization where consensus rules or whether states-parties can agree to a new model that allows states to opt in to the mechanisms with which they agree and opt out of any processes or new commitments they are unable to support.

Continue reading: here

Jaramillo: The 2% NATO Defence Spending Target is Not Evidence-Based Policymaking

Canadian troops were deployed to Latvia, where they led a multinational battlegroup, as part of NATO’s enhanced Forward Presence, 2019. Photo by NATO on flickr.

by Cesar Jaramillo, Chair of Canadian Pugwash Group
published by the CIPS Blog

With Donald Trump’s recent election victory in the United States, pressures on Canada to boost military spending to meet NATO’s 2% GDP target are bound to intensify. Trump has repeatedly criticized NATO members, including Canada, for not contributing “their fair share” to the alliance. 

“Simply put, increasing defence expenditures—whether or not they meet the 2% benchmark—does not guarantee security and may even undermine it.

NATO is already exceptionally well armed, and its collective military spending far surpasses that of Russia. The flawed narrative that the alliance is somehow lagging militarily persists largely due to selective use of statistics and rhetoric that emphasize relative percentages over absolute spending levels, which can distort the true picture of the global military balance.”

Read the full blog:  here

Manulak: Rethinking and Rebuilding the United Nations

Recent publications by Canadian Pugwash member Michael Manulak (et al.)

Canada and the United Nations

Michael Manulak and Kerry Buck  summarize their 2023 report “Canada and the United Nations: Rethinking and Rebuilding Canada’s Global Role.”  For the text of our original report: here. This report benefitted from the advice of a committee of eight former ambassadors (including five former Canadian UN Ambassadors).  Available here: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/00207020241298266

“Setting the Record Straight”: A firm rejoinder to Jack Cunningham’s article on why Canada should marginalize the UN, also published in International Journal. Here Manulak and Buck challenge Jack’s skepticism toward the UN: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/00207020241298265

Podcast on the topic here and a paper in Policy Magazine here.

“The Allies’ Dilemma”: Manulak published this article in Policy Magazine, November 24, on the dilemmas posed by the Trump presidency for U.S. allies and partners.  On Europe/NATO, Climate, and Nuclear Disarmament, Trump 2.0 forces U.S. allies and partners to choose between the U.S. and the rules-based order it helped create.  He argues that a strategy of waiting out Trump is not viable: https://www.policymagazine.ca/the-allies-dilemma-responding-to-a-second-trump-term/

Canada and Cooperative Threat Reduction: “Canada can draw inspiration from past summits during G7 presidency”
Lloyd Axworthy, Allan Rock, and Manulak published an article in the Hill Times on Canada’s upcoming G7 presidency.  They argued that Canada should use this opportunity to strengthen and reinforce the Global Partnership Against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction financially and institutionally. This was a big Canadian initiative in 2002 and has played a key part ever since. It has an important role to play, including in enabling the green energy transition and supporting the Sustainable Development Goals. The link is here, with  a podcast on this here.

Contact: Michael W. Manulak, Associate Professor
Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University

www.michaelmanulak.com

CPG CLIMATE REPORTS: Submission to Environment and Climate Change Canada

Canadian Pugwash Group has submitted four reports to Steven Guilbeault, Minister of Environment and Climate Change Canada, and the environment ministers of all the provinces and territories. These reports are the culmination of significant work by, and collaboration between, Metta Spencer (Project Save the World and CPG Board member) and the climate crisis committee of Canadian Pugwash Group.* 

The four submitted reports: 
LOW CARBON CONCRETE    ARCTIC COOLING    SOIL AMENDMENTS    URBAN TREE PLANTING

The covering letter to Minister Guilbeault describes the process:

December 2, 2024

Hon. Steven Guilbeault,
Minister of Environment and Climate Change Canada

Dear Minister Guilbeault,

The Canadian Pugwash Group, in collaboration with Project Save the World*, has developed four reports outlining policy options for the Canadian government to address climate change and its critical first-order impacts. These reports focus on Arctic Cooling, Soil Amendments, Urban Tree Planting, and Low-Carbon Concrete, and are attached for your review.

This initiative originated with Metta Spencer of Project Save the World, who conducted a series of 25 hour-long podcasts over the course of a year. These podcasts brought together experts and advocates to discuss practical solutions for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to climate change. The discussions were consolidated into four preliminary summary reports, which can be accessed: here.

Building on these foundational materials, the Canadian Pugwash Group’s Climate Committee reviewed the drafts, assessed recommendations, and synthesized them into actionable policy options. We also incorporated relevant updated research published since the podcasts.

We respectfully submit these reports for your consideration and urge the Government of Canada to take decisive action in addressing the climate crisis.

Sincerely,
Cesar Jaramillo
Chair, Canadian Pugwash Group

*The package of four reports represents significant work, in particular by Metta Spencer (the originator of the project, podcast moderator and initial drafter), but also by the CPG committee (Adele Buckley, Bill Bhaneja, Robin Collins, Michel A. Duguay, David Harries, Ellen Judd, Peter Meincke, Derek Paul, David Price, Shane Roberts.)
The original podcasts involved more than 45 experts and advocates, including:  Adeyemi Adesina, Hashem Akbari, Michael Barnard, Albert Bates, Paul Beckwith,  David Beerling, Joanna Campe, Chris Cheeseman, Brent Constantz, Michael Cook, Robert Cumming, Eric Davies, David Demarey, Michael Diamond,  Gregory Dipple, Clive Elsworth, Bjorn Embren, Peter Fiekowsky, Alan Gadian, Blaz Gasparini, Thomas Goreau, Martin Halliwell, Brian von Herzen, Douglas Hooton, Joyce Hostyn,  Neil Hoult, Benoit Lambert, John Liu, Lawrence Martin, David Mitchell, Lorien Nesbitt, Franz Oeste,  John Orr, Oswald Petersen, Noah Planavsky, David Price, Stephen Salter, Heather Schibli, Karen Scrivener, Stephen Sheppard, Megan Sheremata,  John Stone,  Peter van Straaten, Thomas Vanacore, Peter Wadhams, Leonid Yurganov,  Ryan Zizzo.

Report: Security Options for a Troubled World: CPG/CIPS Policy Conference

The Canadian Pugwash Group and the Centre for International Policy Studies (CIPS) at the University of Ottawa were pleased to host a public conference entitled “Security Options for a Troubled World”.

Conference Report:
Security Options for a Troubled World_Final

 

 

The conference featured Canadian experts addressing the following topics:

  • “Nuclear Nightmares: How to Revive Arms Control & Disarmament”
  • “Countering the Danger of Autonomous Weapons and Managing the AI Effect”
  • “Constructing the Future of UN Peace Operations”
  • “How to Prevent War in Space”
  • “Curtailing the Global Arms Trade and promoting Common Security”
  • “Re-energizing Canada’s Security Diplomacy”

Recorded videos of the six sessions are now available.
Watch on Youtube to choose the sessions individually: HERE

EN / FR