Walter Dorn: Canada is letting other nations do the heavy lifting on peacekeeping

Canada is letting other nations do the heavy lifting on peacekeeping,
published in the Globe and Mail, September 15, 2023

Walter Dorn is a Canadian Pugwash Group board member, and professor of defence studies at the Royal Military College. He is also a UN consultant and has deployed as a civilian to several peacekeeping operations.

Thirty years ago this month, Canadian forces engaged in combat with an unlikely opponent: Croatian forces violating a UN ceasefire and engaging in ethnic cleansing. The Battle of Medak Pocket included a 16-hour firefight, which was at the time Canada’s largest military battle since the Korean War. More surprising at that moment was that the Canadians were using force as part of UN peacekeeping. Up until that time, peacekeepers had almost never engaged in combat. This story of the use of force was so unusual for traditional peacekeeping that it was kept under wraps for 10 years by the Canadian government, which only started to publicly recognize the valour of the peacekeepers in December, 2002.

Fortunately, UN peacekeeping has become much more robust in the 21st century. This followed a groundbreaking Canadian-sponsored resolution on the protection of civilians at the UN Security Council in 1999, when Canada was last on the council. After that, the UN used armed force in Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Central African Republic, South Sudan and in several other missions. It even deployed armed helicopters to some of the operations, saving cities, rescuing hostages and freeing citizens from gang lords.

Certainly, the use of armed force remains a dilemma for peacekeepers who seek to de-escalate conflict in war-torn areas of the world. But when civilians are about to be slaughtered or the peacekeepers themselves are under attack, force is absolutely justified. And it is essential that the UN responds effectively to save lives, alleviate more suffering and maintain its credibility.

The United Nations needs countries to provide combat-capable forces to its missions. Unfortunately, Canada is not among those nations any more. It promised a “quick reaction force” in 2017 but it has failed to deliver on that promise. In fact, Canada has only provided troops on two occasions in the past 20 years and these were brief deployments where Canadian soldiers never fired a shot for self-defence or the protection of civilians.

Over time, the Canadian Armed Forces has become much more risk-averse in UN peacekeeping. Other nations are doing the heavy lifting. The United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden and Portugal, as well as many developing countries, have shown a willingness to use force to protect civilians and enforce peace in conflict-ridden lands.

Current Canadian political leaders are not requesting the Canadian forces to deploy in peacekeeping, even though the Liberal government has promised to re-engage in UN peacekeeping in the past three elections. In fact, the number of uniformed peacekeepers deployed as a monthly average under the Liberal government is half the number deployed by the previous Conservative government.

Currently Canada deploys only 35 military personnel to peacekeeping, out of the 68,000 that the UN has in the field. At the time of the Battle of Medak Pocket, Canada had 3,300 personnel in UN operations. Since 1956, when Canada proposed the first peacekeeping force, Canada deployed 1,000 peacekeepers or more at any given time over the following 40 years. But those days are long gone.

Canada still seeks to build a rules-based international order, but it must do much more to support the centre of that order, the United Nations. Peacekeeping is one of the world organization’s key instruments in alleviating human suffering and promoting peace.

What will it take for Canada to become a prolific peacekeeper again? It will need political leadership and growing practice, with military leaders willing and eager to learn the ins and outs of the UN. Most importantly, it will require that Canada summon the courage, commitment and tenacity that the Canadian soldiers once showed in Medak Pocket.

Sean Howard: Silencing the pacifists, rather than the guns

 Sean Howard’s essay is due to appear in The Cape Breton Spectator.

 

[M]embers of the Ukrainian Security Service, the SBU, break down the door of the Kyiv apartment of Yurii Sheliazhenko, Executive Secretary of the Ukrainian Pacifist Movement, seizing his computer, smartphone, and other materials, informing him he is being charged with ‘justifying Russian aggression’.

The basis of the charge, Sheliazhenko was told, was the ‘Peace Agenda for Ukraine and the World’ adopted by the Ukrainian Pacifist Movement on September 21, 2022 – UN International Day of Peace – which indeed makes its position on Russia’s invasion clear:

Condemning Russian aggression against Ukraine, the UN General Assembly called for an immediate peaceful resolution of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and emphasized that parties to the conflict must respect human rights and international humanitarian law. We share this position.

For the complete article: 

CPG contributions to: Regional Security in the North, Nuclear Risks and Possible Solutions

Conference Proceedings from the webinar Regional Security in the North, Nuclear Risks and Possible Solutions are published on the Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies’ website, see www.jass.ax .  The full text of eight articles is available on the website, and in pdf format.

Two articles by CPG members.  

Strategic Nuclear Patrols and an Arctic Military Code of Conduct:
Ernie Regehr

Destabilization of the Arctic:
Adele Buckley

WHAT ARE THE PROSPECTS FOR NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT: CPG side event at the NPT Preparatory Committee meeting, Vienna, August 10, 2023

Tariq Rauf, Vice-Chair Canadian Pugwash Group moderated the event, with Panellist Paul Meyer, Past Chair of CPG.

WHAT ARE THE PROSPECTS FOR NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT
CPG side event at the NPT Preparatory Committee meeting, Vienna, August 10, 2023

Outline of CPG Side Event 10Aug2023

“After Ukraine – What are the prospects for nuclear disarmament?”
Presentation by Paul Meyer

“This rusting out of the machinery of arms control and disarmament has gone on largely unnoticed by politicians and publics alike. It is only with the revival of what is somewhat euphemistically referred to as “great power rivalry” and which more accurately is the unleashing of aggressive war and the acceleration of the arms race that the world is beginning to pay attention. President Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, a blatant violation of the UN Charter, that Russia as a Permanent Member of the Security Council is obliged to uphold has shaken the international community. Furthermore, Putin’s recourse to threats of nuclear weapons use, explicit or implicit, has once again highlighted the role of these weapons as instruments of coercion and intimidation.”

Read the full presentation here: AfterUkraineWhitherNucDisAug2023

The recorded presentation can be viewed: here

Meyer’s ten specific actions that would be worth pursuing:
1. Build on the common adherence to the NPT to construct bridges between the camps
supporting and opposing the TPNW, including encouraging attendance as observers
to TPNW meetings of state parties.
2. Continue to press for NPT reform that will enhance transparency and accountability
process with respect to Article VI obligations – common reporting templates and
dedicated time for discussion of national reports. The lack of an agreed outcome to
the working group that met in the week prior to the PrepCom should not deter
states from insisting on reform measures – resorting to voting on these procedural
steps if necessary.
3. Promote adoption of “No First Use” doctrines in keeping with existing commitments
within the NPT to reduce the saliency of nuclear weapons in national security
policies.
4. Amplify the declaration issued by the G20 in November 2022 to the effect that any
threat or use of nuclear weapons is “inadmissible”
5. Advocate for de-alerting and related steps which insert a fire break for nuclear use.
6. Urge states to ban all cyber operations directed against nuclear weapon complexes.
7. Press the NWS not to employ AI in the control systems for their nuclear forces in a
manner than supplants human control and responsibility.
8. Call upon the participants in the NWS/P5 process to conduct serious negotiations on
nuclear risk reduction and nuclear arms control in keeping with their NPT
obligations.
9. Support the initiation of negotiations on a Fissile Material Treaty via a UN General
Assembly authorized process as opposed to the dysfunctional CD.
10. Call for the resumption of bilateral talks between Russia and the US to conclude a
follow-up agreement to New START prior to its expiration in February 2026

Peggy Mason: Commemorating the 1945 atomic bombing of Japan

Peggy Mason speaks in Ottawa on August 9. Behind her is Bill Bhaneja, host of the event, also a Canadian Pugwash Group member.

Peggy Mason, President of the Rideau Institute and Board Member of Canadian Pugwash Group, was invited to speak at Ottawa’s August 9 commemoration event, marking the 1945 bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

She said in part: “This brings me to the recent statements by the Mayors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively calling on nuclear-armed (and presumably nuclear umbrella) nations to “show courage and make the decision to break free from dependence on nuclear deterrence.”

The war in Ukraine has shown the ultimate wisdom of that message.

But the plain fact is that nuclear-armed states and their allies are not going to discard their nuclear weapons – no matter the dangers they pose – without an alternative security paradigm. Otherwise, their fear would be that without nuclear deterrence, the likelihood of war with unbelievably dangerous new hypersonic conventional weapons (enhanced by AI) would be more, not less, likely. To put this another way, our goal of ridding the world of nuclear weapons will be futile if we cannot demonstrate to the NWS that it will not lead to a world where devastating conventional war among great powers is more likely in the absence of nuclear weapons to deter them.

I am sure that this is not something most of you want to contemplate. But it is an absolute necessity to face if we are to get rid of nuclear weapons. We have to restart the vital work begun at the end of the cold war but then abandoned in the frenzy of globalization and American triumphalism – to move away from a competitive, zero-sum approach to security – which leads to the security dilemma of steps by one side to enhance their defences being perceived as a threat by the other side, leading them to increase their defences and on and it goes…”

For Mason’s complete presentation, continue here: Mason_comments_9Aug2023

Lanterns are released in Ottawa at a pond beside the Rideau Canal, August 9, 2023

Canadian Pugwash Group Condemns Cluster Bombs Being Sent to Ukraine 

MEDIA RELEASE

July 14, 2023

Canadian Pugwash Group Condemns Cluster Bombs Being Sent to Ukraine

The Canadian Pugwash Group condemns the use of cluster munitions everywhere and deeply regrets the recent decision by the United States to provide them to Ukraine. The office of Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly has now made clear: “We do not support the use of cluster munitions and are committed to putting an end to the effects cluster munitions have on civilians – particularly children.”

The Cluster Munitions Monitor reports that  well over 90% of reported cluster bomb casualties worldwide are civilians. Many are small farmers, or children who can be attracted to the toy-like appearance of unexploded but still deadly “bomblets”.

Cluster bombs are indiscriminate weapons that cannot distinguish between combatants and civilians. They may contain hundreds of explosive sub-munitions that can blanket an area the size of a soccer field. Moreover, up to 40% of sub-munitions can fail to explode upon impact and will pose a lethal threat to all who encounter them for many decades. As such their use is contrary to long-standing, internationally agreed prohibitions and regulations.

One hundred and twenty-three countries support the Convention on Cluster Munitions which further prohibits their use and transfer under any circumstances, for all time. This includes Canada and 21 other NATO allies. Regrettably, the United States is not among them, but is still obliged to abide by International Humanitarian Law, which requires that combatants and civilians be distinguished.

The Canadian Pugwash Group calls upon the Government of Canada and all Parties to the Convention to fulfill their legal obligation to do everything in their power to discourage the use of cluster munitions by all parties, including Russia, Ukraine, and allies — directly or indirectly — in the current conflict.

Canadian Pugwash Group

 

Contact:
Cesar Jaramillo, Chairperson cjaramillo [at] ploughshares.ca
Tariq Rauf, Vice-Chairperson

Simpson: When planning nuclear waste sites in Canada, consider Ukraine’s potential nuclear crisis

When planning nuclear waste sites in Canada, consider Ukraine’s potential nuclear crisis

As more countries learn from the Ukraine war, the risk is that many inter-related problems surrounding nuclear power beset future generations for thousands of years.

An aerial view of the Bruce Nuclear Generating Station—the world’s largest nuclear generating station—on the shore of Lake Huron, near Kincardine, Ont. Photograph courtesy of Wikimedia Commons

OPINION | BY ERIKA SIMPSON |This article was also published in The Hill Times, July 6, 2023.

Nuclear reactors need cooling water to prevent nuclear accidents. That’s why the largest operating nuclear generating station in the world—the Bruce reactor in Ontario—was constructed on the shore of Lake Huron, and the Pickering and Darlington reactors were built on the shore of Lake Ontario.

Canada’s Nuclear Waste Management Organization (NWMO) is considering a proposal to bury all of our nation’s high-level nuclear waste in a borehole in Teeswater, Ont.,—situated in the Great Lakes water basin—or in Ignace, Ont., which is located on rivers that drain into the Hudson’s Bay water basin.

As seen in Ukraine, humankind’s future could be adversely affected by warring parties that take advantage of nuclear power plants in order to instil fear and foreboding about nuclear meltdowns that could possibly be worse than the accidents at Chernobyl and Fukushima. Both Russia and Ukraine accused each other this week of plans to attack and potentially explode Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP)—the largest in Europe, and currently occupied by Russia since 2022.

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is aware of reports of mines having been placed near the ZNPP’s cooling pond. The IAEA director general Rafael Mariano Grossi travelled with a team of IAEA experts to the facility for a third time last month. “With military activities and tension intensifying in the area” and the explosion of the Kakhovka dam “further complicating the facility’s extremely challenging nuclear safety and security status,” the team saw first-hand that the Kakhovka reservoir had drained, he said.

The IAEA team advises the plant’s large cooling pond and different channels at or near the site hold sufficient reserves to be able to provide cooling water in the short- to medium-term in case the reservoir can no longer be used. Unfortunately, the IAEA is the only international organization that can provide independent and neutral assessments of the ZNPP’s safety and security. There are limits to the team’s access to the site, and reports according to Ukrainian officials are that Russia has mined the facility, and either Russia or Ukraine carried out drone attacks on the power supply switchyard.

At the same time as the plant copes with water-related scarcity, the ZNPP depends on a single 750 kilovolt power line for the electricity it needs for essential functioning, compared to the four power lines it used before Russia’s attack on Ukraine. According to the IAEA’s most recent public statement on June 21, the ZNPP lacks back-up power if the single line is lost.

The IAEA team saw significant damage and also remnants of parts of drones that had targeted the area. “Now more than ever, all sides must fully adhere to the IAEA’s basic principles designed to prevent a nuclear accident,” Grossi stated in a June 21 statement.

Observers in Canada may jump to the conclusion that a nuclear meltdown could poison all of Europe for thousands of years—and it is not worth our lives so that Ukraine can be whole—but we need to pay careful attention to Grossi’s assessment that “while the presence of any explosive device is not in line with safety standards, the main safety functions of the facility would not be significantly affected.”

Nevertheless, questions remain about what could happen if the water at the Kakhovka reservoir continues to recede. In light of the lessons learned from the ZNPP debacle, the design of all nuclear reactors and disposal facilities should prioritize the protection of water, particularly large water basins.

In future, long-term caretaking of reactors and disposal facilities needs to be internationally monitored as well as nationally ensured. Consent from local communities in whose territory future facilities will be planned must be obtained through democratic processes. In Canada, Indigenous Peoples must be consulted, and must be able to exert a veto because their water basins and livelihoods could be affected for more than seven generations into the future.

Ukrainians near the ZNPP site must wish they could have vetoed the Soviet Union’s decision to build the facility back in 1980. The six Soviet-designed water-cooled reactors contain uranium 235 with a half-life of more than 700 million years, according to Reuters. Due to the war, all six reactors are in cold shutdown; however, electrical pumps still must somehow move precious water through the reactor cores to cool the fuel.

Canada’s NWMO submitted its recommendations for an Integrated Strategy for Radioactive Waste to our minister of natural resources on June 30. The NWMO claims it engaged for two years (during the COVID-19 pandemic) on issues surrounding what to do with nuclear waste including high-level waste that will remain dangerous for hundreds of thousands of years. Yet what the NWMO recommends regarding high-level waste still remains unclear. Whether all the waste should be buried or stored above ground until humankind develops new technologies that ensure it is not reusable remains an unanswered scientific and technical question. How might it be transported on Canada’s highways and disposed of so that it is not a credible soft target attracting the interest of warring parties is an unanswered dilemma.

The NWMO’s new strategy recommends that intermediate-level waste and “non-fuel, high-level waste from medical isotope production” be disposed of in a deep geological repository. Where will such a depository or depositories, and the high-level waste, and the waste from proposed Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) be buried if SMRs are indeed successfully developed and distributed in remote areas?

The answers to these sorts of questions, and related consent-based siting processes, should involve all Canadians. As more countries learn from the Ukraine war, the risk is that many inter-related problems surrounding nuclear power beset future generations for thousands of years.

Erika Simpson is a professor of international politics at Western University, the president of the Canadian Peace Research Association and the author of many articles on nuclear issues available on Western University’s expert gallery.

Price and Collins: Climate change threatens Canada’s forest carbon sinks: What can we do?

Climate change threatens Canada’s forest carbon sinks: What can we do?
Published in Peace Magazine, Summer 2023 Issue

David Price and Robin Collins

We penned an opinion piece titled A counterintuitive climate defence: Harvesting forests to combat emissions (Globe and Mail, 5 June 2023) which has raised significant controversy. Briefly, Canada’s forests can help mitigate anthropogenic CO2 emissions, but public perception of this role is confused. Climate change is pervasive and will affect all of Canada’s forests, which threatens their role as a “carbon sink”; it also intersects with a common desire to protect remaining old-growth forests from logging, even though some old-growth ecosystems, and the carbon they store, are vulnerable to a warmer and drier climate. We advocate for a nation-wide project to “triage” the vulnerability of all forests. We cannot say where the lines will be drawn, but three major classes would be identified.

“Protectable forests” will be able to withstand effects of climate change for a significant period without human intervention. “Disappearing forests” are unlikely to survive past 2100 in spite of any justifiable effort to save them. Separating these two classes are “Manageable forests”, where the cumulative effects of drought, wildfire and insect herbivores will cause significant deterioration in ecosystem health, threatening their long-term survival and biodiversity. Responsible management can foster forest adaptation to changing conditions and recover ecosystem health. In particular, efforts to preserve old-growth forests from logging should be targeted at those in the Protectable class, while Manageable forests should become the primary source of raw materials. Further, Canada’s forestry industry could be expected to replant areas affected by natural disturbances as well as logged areas, and aim to make silvicultural practices as sustainable as possible. Most importantly the industry would improve utilization of harvested wood, and wherever feasible, expand production of construction materials that keep carbon out of the atmosphere for longer than generally occurs in natural forests. Here we respond to some of the questions and arguments our article has provoked.

  1. Why might it take 1,000,000 years for atmospheric CO2 to return to pre-industrial levels if we allowed it to happen naturally, and why would accelerating this process be “stupendously challenging and costly”?

Ice-core data from Antarctica and Greenland show CO2 concentration varied around 250–300 ppm, during several cycles of glaciation and deglaciation beginning around 900,000 years ago. Geological research tells us today’s concentration over 420 ppm last occurred over 2 million years ago. Therefore, it took over a million years for the natural world to bring CO2 down to pre-industrial levels. Within the last few centuries, humans have seriously degraded natural C sinks and biodiversity, so we cannot expect today’s biosphere to work more rapidly.

Technological solutions for direct CO2 removal will also be essential, but will require “stupendous” amounts of air to be pumped continuously over CO2-absorbing surfaces to remove only 0.04% CO2. It will take a century or longer to get down to 350 ppm—and every year of delay makes the task even bigger. The energy required for that effort will also be stupendous.

  1. Why are small trees and younger forests stronger carbon sinks than bigger trees and older forests? How can you also say that old-growth forests able to live another 100 years will retain much of their carbon?

Young forest stands composed of small trees that have reached maximum leaf area can grow rapidly, as they lose relatively small amounts of CO2 from respiring tissues (though residual dead materials may release CO2 through decomposition for many years). Older stands of big trees have similar leaf area for photosynthesis (averaged over the same ground area!), but have much more respiring tissue, so CO2 absorption decreases progressively as the stand ages. Dead material also accumulates in an older stand, feeding a host of decomposing organisms, all of which further reduce CO2 uptake by the forest.

If big trees in old-growth forests can live for a long time, surviving effects of climatic change, most of the carbon they contain will be preserved. Logging such forests often results in significant wasted wood, which decomposes over decades (not immediately). This releases more CO2 in the early years of the replacement stand, requiring more time for it to become a net C sink.

  1. Where is the evidence that half the carbon in houses built today will remain intact for 100 years?

Several studies carried out recently in Canada and in the USA have examined how harvested wood products act as carbon stores. Notable examples are Heath et al. in the USA, and Dymond et al. in Canada. Long-lived wood products (LLWP) used in timber-framed buildings, including sawn lumber and a range of engineered materials like plywood and oriented strand lumber, are protected from fire and decay. From public records, and studies of house demolitions (where all wood components are weighed), we can estimate how much wood was used to build houses in the early 20th century and how many buildings remained in use several decades later. The loss of carbon stored in housing (due to demolitions, renovations or house-fires), can be estimated from these data, and follows an exponential decay curve. In general, close to half the wood used in single family houses persists for about 100 years (with smaller fractions for multi-unit residential and commercial buildings).

Taking this ~50% loss into account, we estimated the LLWP obtained from logged areas between 2011 and 2020 will keep about 100 Mt C out of the atmosphere for a century. Wood recovered from demolished buildings might be processed into biochar for use in agriculture and horticulture, instead of land-filling, extending the persistence of carbon in LLWP.

  1. In these days of more frequent wildfires that “create their own weather”, all woodlands seem to be vulnerable. Shouldn’t the primary task be to modify how we control fires?

Wildfire is a natural occurrence in most Canadian forests. Following European colonization, fire-suppression became a major concern, and as methods became more effective in the mid-20th century, the average age of managed forests increased, along with fuel accumulations. But a warming climate drives hotter and drier periods which, with extra fuel, make fires more intense and increasingly difficult to suppress—leading to larger areas burned on average. (One unavoidable consequence will be increasing areas of young stands and less old forest.)

Identifying forests which require intervention to survive climate change would allow better integration of fire management practices (e.g., controlled burning) into a carefully planned cycle of regeneration, tending and harvesting on smaller patches of land. (We can also learn from traditional Indigenous burning practices.) A more fragmented landscape (possibly containing more deciduous species in place of conifers) will help contain future wildfires. Fires will spread less rapidly across open areas cleared of fuel, and a well-planned network of roads and clearings allows faster and safer access and exit for fire-fighting crews and equipment.

  1. How do you know Alberta gets such low annual rainfall and why should we believe models that suggest Alberta’s boreal forests will disappear by 2100?

Over the last 30 years, advances in computing and geospatial software have enabled millions of weather station records to be compiled into huge databases and analysed, allowing much better mapping of climate variables. For Alberta, spatially and temporally averaged precipitation is the lowest of all ten Canadian Provinces (though NWT and Nunavut receive lower amounts).

Many ecological models have been developed, generally by field ecologists working closely with computer modellers. The work we cite is one of at least three studies which project loss of conifer-dominated vegetation from “upland” forested sites in central and northern Alberta by 2100. (Upland sites are typically drier than the intervening boreal wetland sites where other changes could occur.) As drought and fires could kill off much of the upland pine and white spruce, they would likely be replaced by deciduous species (mainly aspen) for several decades.

Collins: Did NATO Actions Contribute to Putin’s Decision to Invade?

 

 

by Robin Collins, who is a member of Canadian Pugwash Group
Published in Peace Magazine, July-September 2023

People disagree over the primary causes of Putin’s 2022 aggression. Economist Jeffrey Sachs is one of many who believes Russian leaders saw NATO enlargement as “a central reason for the invasion.” Russians are told the expansion is a form of peacetime encirclement and will “oblige” more bordering states to respond if Russia attacks any NATO member. (NATO’s Article 5 is not an obligation but an expectation of retaliation that is legally justified in the event of aggression.)

Read the full article here: Did NATO Actions Contribute to Putin’s Decision to Invade

 

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