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Thurlow: Dear prime minister, please address the nuclear threat to life on Earth

Setsuko Thurlow is a member of Canadian Pugwash Group

Dear prime minister, please address the nuclear threat to life on Earth: from a Hiroshima survivor

 

Dear Prime Minister Trudeau,

As you prepare to leave office, allow me to appeal to you to address the defining crisis of human history: the nuclear threat to life on Earth. I last made this public appeal to you in 2020 to which you did not reply. But with the Doomsday Clock of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists now set at 89 seconds to midnight, closer than ever, I owe it to the great cause to which I have dedicated my life—nuclear disarmament—to try again.

I am a survivor of the atomic destruction of Hiroshima, a crime against humanity made possible in part by Canada’s crucial contributions to the Manhattan Project. What I saw, through a terrified and bereaved child’s eyes, was nothing less than the beginning of the end of the world. I have told the story of my miraculous escape from hell countless times because I have never lost hope in the capacity of humanity to save itself from the worst of its inventions.

In recent years, I played my part in a diplomatic breakthrough potentially signalling the end of the nuclear nightmare: the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), adopted by 122 states—two-thirds of the United Nations—in 2017. Yet your government chose to stand on the wrong side of history, following the directives of both the Obama and Trump administrations for NATO states to refuse to participate in the TPNW talks in New York: the first time Canada has boycotted negotiations mandated by the UN General Assembly.

Photograph courtesy of Michael Chambers Setsuko Thurlow: ‘I am a survivor of the atomic destruction of Hiroshima, a crime against humanity made possible in part by Canada’s crucial contributions to the Manhattan Project.’

I was honoured to jointly accept the Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, a network of activists and survivors inspired by the success of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines in the 1990s, a decade when Canada was admired as a champion of humanitarian disarmament, not least for its urging of major reforms to NATO’s nuclear policies.

The foreign minister from that inspiring time was Lloyd Axworthy, who has publicly appealed to you to sign the TPNW, as have former Liberal prime ministers Jean Chrétien and the late John Turner, the late and former Liberal foreign minister Bill Graham and former Liberal foreign minister John Manley, along with a Who’s Who list of former senior diplomats and ambassadors, as well as 74 per cent of Canadians in a 2021 poll.

This is the treaty that you described as “sort of useless” because it was not supported by the nuclear-weapon states and their junior military partners. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons has already established a powerful new anti-nuclear norm and stigma, complementing and supplementing the 1970 Non-Proliferation Treaty Canada has always supported. But how much more “sort of useful” would the TPNW be if it found friends like Canada, finally willing to break the shackles of nuclear dependency?

Because of its path-breaking provisions on victim assistance and environmental remediation, the TPNW also offers Canada a way to belatedly make amends for its role in the atomic age: the mining of uranium on colonized Dene territory that paved the atomic highway to Hiroshima and Nagasaki and Canada’s involvement and complicity in the agonizing epochs of nuclear testing, nuclear arms racing, and nuclear proliferation that followed.

In August 1998, members of the Dene community of Deline in the Northwest Territories travelled to Hiroshima to apologize for their unwitting part in the atomic atrocities. Is it not high time that the Canadian government issued such an apology, both to the survivors of the bombings and to the affected Dene? Such an apology, however, must be matched by action: and signing the TPNW should be top of the list.

I have lived in Canada for 70 of the 80 years of the atomic age, as tides of concern over nuclear weapons have ebbed and flowed. When your father was prime minister, he sought to “suffocate” the arms race, and bring the reign of nuclear terror to an end. I believe he would be dismayed at Canada’s loss of leadership on disarmament, but encouraged by the path to Global Zero opened by the TPNW.

Prime minister, I dearly wish I had the chance to discuss Canada’s participation in the worldwide nuclear weapons abolition movement with you five years ago, or before. I recently celebrated my 93rd birthday and am still recovering from a serious fall. But I am neither ready nor able to give up. And while you remain prime minister, every second still counts.

Sincerely,

Setsuko Thurlow
Toronto

A founder of the Hiroshima Nagasaki Day Coalition hiroshimadaycoalition.ca in Toronto, Setsuko Thurlow jointly accepted the Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons in 2017.

 

Turcotte: What is the Path to Peace in Ukraine?

Earl Turcotte is a member of Canadian Pugwash Group. This piece was originally published in The Hill TImes, February 26, 2025.

Earl Turcotte_UkrainePeace HT

What is the path to peace in Ukraine?

Persuade the Russian president that he simply cannot win militarily, setting the stage for substantive peace negotiations.

Assessing America’s new posture vis-a-vis Ukraine, Canadian columnist Andrew Coyne has observed that recent pronouncements by the administration of United States President Donald Trump are not—as described by many—irresponsible concessions to Russia. They are demands aimed not at Russia, but at Ukraine, and presented to it jointly by America and Russia.

In mere weeks, Trump’s America has shifted from stalwart defender of Ukraine, and—in broader terms—of democracy and international law, to effectively joining forces with an aggressor state that has flouted international law in an attempt to conquer a neighbour, and end its very existence as a sovereign nation.

America’s transition from reliable to unreliable ally and possible adversary has sent shock waves around the world. Even a qualified “win” by Russia—in addition to its dire implications for Ukraine—sets a dangerous modern-day precedent in international relations, undermining a core principle set out in the United Nations Charter regarding the inviolability of national borders. It would also encourage states with similar ambitions, such as China vis-a-vis Taiwan, or possibly the U.S. vis-a-vis Greenland/Denmark, Panama, or, for that matter, Canada.

West: Canada should resist Trump’s ‘Iron Dome’ fantasy

Canada should resist Trump’s ‘Iron Dome’ fantasy

Jessica West is a member of Canadian Pugwash Group

Originally published in The Hill Times February 17, 2025

Jessica West
Photograph courtesy of Jessica West

Ballistic missile defence has long been a tantalizing dream—promising security through advanced technology that could intercept threats before they hit. But history has repeatedly shown that these promises amount to an illusion. Days after United States President Donald Trump ordered an “Iron Dome” for America, Canada’s Minister of Defence Bill Blair signalled a willingness to join, telling reporters in Washington, D.C., that Canada would be a “willing partner” in this endeavour. Ottawa should think twice.

Trump’s missile defence rhetoric follows a familiar pattern: lofty promises, questionable technology, and strategic blindness. The idea of an “Iron Dome” for North America might sound appealing—after all, Israel’s system has had success against short-range rockets. But the challenges of strategic missile defence are far more complex than those of regional, short-range defence.

Strategic missile defence is a flashy, but failed, concept. After 60 years and $350-billion, the system can intercept a carefully controlled test target only 57 per cent of the time at best—and it’s helpless against new threats like manoeuverable hypersonic missiles.

Intercepting a missile is difficult. That’s why advocates push boost-phase systems to strike missiles right after launch when they’re slow and trackable. In theory, space is the ideal vantage point for this. But even the best engineers can’t defy the laws of physics. Satellites orbiting close to Earth are in constant motion, so thousands of armed satellites would be needed just to defend against a limited range of threats. Even then, the system could easily be defeated by decoys, hacking, or being overwhelmed. The costs, complexity, and risks of a global system are a nightmare.

The strategic fallout is severe. Trump’s “peace through strength” rhetoric obscures the destabilizing impact of missile defence systems. Deploying space-based interceptors would almost certainly provoke reactions from countries like Russia and China, both of which have long called for a ban on space weapons. These nations would likely respond by ramping up their own missile defence systems, expanding nuclear arsenals, and deploying anti-satellite weapons—fuelling an arms race rather than preventing one. We’ve already seen this dynamic in the growing missile arms race, and Moscow immediately issued threats in response to Trump’s proposals. This would undermine deterrence, fuel instability, and heighten conflict risk.

Canada has wisely resisted missile defence before. In 2005, the government chose not to participate in the U.S. ballistic missile defence program. This position was reaffirmed in the 2017 defence policy, Strong, Secure, Engaged. In 2022, then-defence minister Anita Anand launched a review of continental defence strategy, but no decisions have been made to change Canada’s stance.

This does not mean the country is neglecting its responsibility to defend North America. Canada is investing $38.6-billion over 20 years to modernize NORAD, including enhancing early warning capabilities through over-the-horizon radar and space-based surveillance, as well as upgrading air defence systems. But with Trump’s push for an “Iron Dome” gaining momentum—and Blair signalling Canada’s willingness to participate—Ottawa must consider the long-term costs, and strategic risks of such a commitment.

Canada should tread carefully. Aligning with space-based missile defence would contradict its commitment to responsible behaviour in space while triggering an arms race on Earth and in space. A system that intercepts missiles can also target satellites. This would undermine international efforts to curb the weaponization of space and exacerbate the debris problem in Earth’s orbit—causes Canada has long championed. With a four-year initiative at the United Nations set to begin this year to prevent an arms race in outer space, Canada’s diplomatic leadership is more crucial than ever.

For Canada, the risks of missile defence far outweigh any perceived benefits. Rather than preventing conflict, space-based missile defence would provoke countermeasures, and fuel an arms race. Worse, participating in such a system could make the country a target in a future war.

Canada is committed to increasing defence spending, but there are smarter ways to do so. Ballistic missile defence—especially space-based interceptors—shouldn’t be one of them. The government should prioritize investments that benefit Canadians, such as border measures, early warning capabilities, and Arctic security, while advocating for arms control and diplomatic solutions to reduce missile threats. The fantasy of an impenetrable shield is a costly nightmare.

Jessica West is a senior researcher at Project Ploughshares where she leads the outer space security program, and a senior fellow at the Centre for International Governance Innovation.

 

Littlewood/Lentzos: Strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention

Jez Littlewood is a member of Canadian Pugwash Group

Pubished as the Arms Control Association, December 2024: here

By the end of this month, states-parties will be halfway through their latest attempt to strengthen the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC). This effort was launched in 2022 at the convention’s ninth review conference with the establishment of a working group to “identify, examine and develop specific and effective measures, including possible legally binding measures, and to make recommendations to strengthen and institutionalize the Convention in all its aspects.”

[…]

Substantial progress has been made in some areas, but beneath the surface is a broader conflict about the shape of arms control agreements generally. This raises a question about whether strengthening the BWC needs to follow the traditional model of legally binding multilateral agreements with declarations, inspections, investigations, and an international organization where consensus rules or whether states-parties can agree to a new model that allows states to opt in to the mechanisms with which they agree and opt out of any processes or new commitments they are unable to support.

Continue reading: here

Jaramillo: The 2% NATO Defence Spending Target is Not Evidence-Based Policymaking

Canadian troops were deployed to Latvia, where they led a multinational battlegroup, as part of NATO’s enhanced Forward Presence, 2019. Photo by NATO on flickr.

by Cesar Jaramillo, Chair of Canadian Pugwash Group
published by the CIPS Blog

With Donald Trump’s recent election victory in the United States, pressures on Canada to boost military spending to meet NATO’s 2% GDP target are bound to intensify. Trump has repeatedly criticized NATO members, including Canada, for not contributing “their fair share” to the alliance. 

“Simply put, increasing defence expenditures—whether or not they meet the 2% benchmark—does not guarantee security and may even undermine it.

NATO is already exceptionally well armed, and its collective military spending far surpasses that of Russia. The flawed narrative that the alliance is somehow lagging militarily persists largely due to selective use of statistics and rhetoric that emphasize relative percentages over absolute spending levels, which can distort the true picture of the global military balance.”

Read the full blog:  here

Manulak: Rethinking and Rebuilding the United Nations

Recent publications by Canadian Pugwash member Michael Manulak (et al.)

Canada and the United Nations

Michael Manulak and Kerry Buck  summarize their 2023 report “Canada and the United Nations: Rethinking and Rebuilding Canada’s Global Role.”  For the text of our original report: here. This report benefitted from the advice of a committee of eight former ambassadors (including five former Canadian UN Ambassadors).  Available here: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/00207020241298266

“Setting the Record Straight”: A firm rejoinder to Jack Cunningham’s article on why Canada should marginalize the UN, also published in International Journal. Here Manulak and Buck challenge Jack’s skepticism toward the UN: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/00207020241298265

Podcast on the topic here and a paper in Policy Magazine here.

“The Allies’ Dilemma”: Manulak published this article in Policy Magazine, November 24, on the dilemmas posed by the Trump presidency for U.S. allies and partners.  On Europe/NATO, Climate, and Nuclear Disarmament, Trump 2.0 forces U.S. allies and partners to choose between the U.S. and the rules-based order it helped create.  He argues that a strategy of waiting out Trump is not viable: https://www.policymagazine.ca/the-allies-dilemma-responding-to-a-second-trump-term/

Canada and Cooperative Threat Reduction: “Canada can draw inspiration from past summits during G7 presidency”
Lloyd Axworthy, Allan Rock, and Manulak published an article in the Hill Times on Canada’s upcoming G7 presidency.  They argued that Canada should use this opportunity to strengthen and reinforce the Global Partnership Against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction financially and institutionally. This was a big Canadian initiative in 2002 and has played a key part ever since. It has an important role to play, including in enabling the green energy transition and supporting the Sustainable Development Goals. The link is here, with  a podcast on this here.

Contact: Michael W. Manulak, Associate Professor
Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University

www.michaelmanulak.com

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